Assignment: Chapter 7
Posting Deadline: Thursday, February 27
Reading: Chapter 7: “Class, Status and
Residency”: The Changing Geography of Black Detroit
Questions:
1. What was the purpose of "restrictive covenants?" What
happened to restrictive covenants in 1948?
2. What was the effect, in Detroit, of the Supreme Court's decision
declaring restrictive covenants unenforceable [Shelley v. Kramer (1948)]?
3. How did the way some people and firms practiced real estate
brokerage encourage white flight, thereby opening up neighborhoods for African
American home ownership?
4. What argument is Sugrue making in this chapter about the
African-American community in Detroit? How is Sugrue's analysis different from
that of William Julius Wilson (summarized in the chapter)?
Source for
Questions: Charles Brown, “[Marxism-Thaxis] Study Guide: Origins of
the Urban Crisis.” Retrieved Jan 11, 2009. http://lists.econ.utah.edu/pipermail/marxism-thaxis/2009-January/023574.html
Assignment - Deadline: Thursday, February 27
A. Post two paragraphs inspired by the study guide
questions/thoughts for the week
B. Post two separate comments to one or more of your
colleagues reacting to their paragraphs.
Restrictive covenants were neighborhood-based agreements, which barred the purchase of property by people of a specific racial or ethnic origin. Most often it was used to maintain the homogeneous nature of white neighborhoods. In 1948, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled the courts could not enforce such agreements. Consequently, the ruling made such covenants enforceable and opened up the Detroit housing market to African Americans where they previously were not allowed to live.
ReplyDeleteWhile some real estate brokers were ethical, many others unscrupulously made fortunes via blockbusting. Under this practice, they would prey upon the fears and prejudices of whites and convince them to sell their homes below market value. The brokers would then sell these homes to African Americans willing to pay inflated prices to access better housing stock.
Sociologist William Julius Wilson contended African Americans as a whole benefited from the need for them to live together – regardless of class - due to a shortage of housing for Blacks before the 1970s. However, Sugrue contradicts this claim with data demonstrating how subcommunities of African Americans based on class were developed even when most Blacks were crowded into the central section of the city. Thus, segregation by class was a reality in African American districts in contrast to the accepted analysis of the late-20th century.
In chapter 7, Sugrue highlights the expansion of black neighborhoods in Detroit and housing ethics (as Dr. Anderson mentions above, the practice of Blockbusting). Although the ethics of this practice were deplorable, throughout history, there have always been people who take advantage of other people in difficult situations -- with that in mind, unfortunately, I'm not surprised Blockbusting was occuring in Detroit.
ReplyDeleteIn this chapter, I especially appreciated the charts and graphs. Seeing the black population expansion on a map, in addition to charts of black residents average incomes, helps reinforce the authors message for this chapter.